General Yahya Khan dismantled the One Unit Plan on July 1, 1970 and restored four administrative units with added territories, which were previously part of the princely states. Khairpur was added to Sindh, Balochistan States Union to Balochistan and Bahawalpur to the Punjab, while Swat, Buner, Amb and Dir were made part of NWFP. To him and his associates this measure had probably solved the ethnic question. Though a dictator took this step, the political parties endorsed it unanimously by signing up the 1973 Constitution.
In Pakistan, it does not matter whether the political system is democratic or dictatorial; it’s the mindset that makes a difference. Why in a land of ethno-cultural diversity, only four nations were recognized? Why additional population was added to the Punjab when it was already a heavily populated country? The same questions could also be raised by the other provinces.
Why One Unit plan was conceived and implemented appears to be a very intriguing question for those struggling to protect the legacy of Sikh rule in the Punjab as the country struggles against extremists with the support of the US and its western allies. Behind the scheme were certainly the status-quo forces, which had spelled the fate of the people since the colonial era.
The One Unit plan was a move to counter the majority ethnic group, the Bengalis, who were understood to dominate the decision-making process of the state lest democracy guided its affairs. The plan was an open confession that Pakistan is a pluralist society; the authors of the plan definitely saw the country’s existence beyond the communal divide of South Asia.
The One Unit Plan offered West Pakistan more than it deserved. It could now have an equal number of representatives in the legislative assembly and claim due share in jobs and development expenditure. So when this riddle was solved, the job of constitution-making that had been unusually delayed was completed within one year of the implementation of the plan. The country had actually moved towards more centralization; the provinces and a dozen of princely states were abolished and a single unit was created in the West Pakistan.
However, the elections that were due after the making of the new constitution were never held. Martial law was imposed in 1958 to the utter disappointment of the non-Punjabi leadership that would blame the Punjab for the wrong done against what they termed a consensus constitution.
The Bengalis separated their ways and became independent after a fierce struggle that pitted them against Pakistan Army. Though all the four provinces of West Pakistan, when restored in 1970, got due share in the distribution of the areas previously under the jurisdiction of princely states, the ethno-nationalism that the martial law provoked has not died down.
Punjab has become a subject of hatred for the intelligentsia of the smaller provinces. Colleges and universities are target of nationalists who inculcate in the minds of the youth that the underdevelopment of their provinces was due to the dominance of the Punjab in the decision-making process of the state. It outnumbers the others in terms of population; it consumes most of the jobs and development funds.
Even within Punjab the southern belt is up in arms against the Central Punjab and the MPs of the PPP and PML-F are demanding an exceptional treatment of their area. Some have even threatened on the flour of the Punjab Assembly to launch a movement for the division of the Punjab as a measure to end the woes of the people they represent.
Outside Punjab there is a consensus among the regional parties on ending the dominance of the Punjab in the federation. The best way to this end is to divide it at least into two parts. This will not only prove a balancing factor in the centre-province relations, but also introduce a harmony of interest in the ethnic groups of the country. Seraiki movement is one factor that has emerged as a result; South Punjab identity has been constructed to neutralize the effects of the rising wave of ethno-nationalism there.
The PPP that is leading the government at the centre and two lower provinces of the country has ethno-nationalist parties like ANP, MQM and the BNP (Mengal) as its partners who have developed an urge to divide the Punjab to ensure a smooth working of the federation. If a Seraiki province is not possible, the interest in the restoration of the provincial status of Bahawalpur through the executive order of the premier remains alive. And this is what the PML-F legislators from Rahimyarkhan and PML-Q are suggesting for.
Ethno-nationalism is essentially a negative force but it is too natural to be suppressed by the military muscle like we did in the case of Bengalis. In an ethnically diverse society like Pakistan, those who tend to get less in the country’s resources are bound to see the fortune of the others with suspicion and mistrust. It is what that urges Sindhis to oppose Kalabagh Dam and see the rising influence of the MQM and ANP as a sign of alien forces getting stronger in, what they term, their homeland.
Needless to say, the job of the federation is to do justice; it is to strike a balance, as the identities tend to compete each other for jobs and development funds. Under a federal dispensation, siding with one group at the cost of the others is not only unjust, but also dangerous for the survival of the state.
Not only Punjab, but also the other provinces of the country are on the verge of a change due to the introduction of the local government system as well as the opening of private news channels in a large number. The status-quo forces have been opposing the idea of devolving powers at the district levels because it hurts their ethno-nationalist interests. For the forces of change, the groups formerly marginalized on political front welcomed the move to bring the government to the people’s doorsteps.
In Sindh the very talk of wrapping up the system has angered the MQM, while in the Punjab the demand for dividing the province is getting stronger. The political leadership of Hazara Division in NWFP has not appreciated the idea of changing the name of the province with Pukhtoonkhawah; such is the case with DI Khan where Seraiki is the dominant language.
It is unfortunate that the country is sandwiched between the two divisive ideologies of ethno-nationalism and sectarianism. The blame goes to none but the vested interest that kept Pakistan politically unstable by promoting hatred among the people who have lived together since centuries. The land from Khyber to Karachi has been subjected to foreign invasions and resulting anarchy for over one thousand years. The imperialist nations in the neighborhood and beyond see their interest fulfilled only through introduction of divisions among the people of the area comprising Pakistan, say the Indus- Hakra Valley.
If Punjab stays democratic and sees martial law a threat to the survival of the country, it has certainly improved its image in the eyes of the people from smaller provinces. One way is to cut its size unilaterally or demand the federation to lay down a principle that should also apply to the other provinces.
If the politics of the four provinces creates deadlocks and hinders the smooth functioning of the federation, then creation of more provinces will certainly benefit the centre. If ethnicity is not to work as a guide, good governance can be a principle — Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar and Quetta are situated in the peripheral parts of the country.
