Countdown has begun for the impeachment of President Pervez Musharraf. We have the requisite majority support is the claim of the ruling coalition. Sherry Rehman said we have done our homework; we would win the numbers game. Apart from our coalition and allies which should be good enough to secure two-thirds majority, she said a number of independents and legislators from the opposition have also approached us. Ironically, President Musharraf does not seem to share the ruling coalition’s optimism. He has stuck to his guns, refusing to quit his job as a fait accompli. I will fight the impeachment process, Musharraf has said. If Musharraf is so sure of himself and his ability to fight it out, there must be some reason for his ‘supreme’ self-assurance. For instance, he could have doubts about the ruling coalition ability to muster two/third majority. Numbers game is a dicey game and anything could happen between now and the D-day, considering the dubious loyalties of some of the coalition supporters and the chances of foul play like horse-trading. All the government allies were not pleased with the latest PPP-PML(N) accord, some of them like Aitzaz Ahsan expressing serious reservations. Restoration of deposed judges should have been the first priority, he said. Relegation of the top priority issue has created serious misgivings. The impeachment process, he said, may or may not succeed and putting off the question of deposed judges may mean deferring the matter indefinitely.
 Whatever impeachment process is followed hereafter, battle lines will be clearly drawn soon. Needless to say, President Musharraf will not rely on lobbying alone to avert the doomsday. He must have weighted the pros and cons of other options to save his job. A popularly-held view is that he could refer the matter to the Supreme Court for judicial review hoping to secure favourable verdict from Dogar & Company who are Musharraf’s creation. An eminent jurist believed that it was rather ironical that the so-called PCO judges will remain in office all through the impeachment process, and could have a crucial say in deciding Musharraf’s future. Another option that Musharraf could exercise is to fall back on his discretionary power under Article 58(2b) to suspend the government or call midterm polls. There are no two opinions that such a decision would not only be undemocratic but also highly unpopular. Some critics are of the view that Musharraf would not dare to take such a drastic action without the approval or support of the Pakistan Army. However, the President could theoretically do it without seeking army’s assistance.
 Presidential aides were reported to have advised Musharraf to face the impeachment process and defend himself in the Parliament against whatever charge sheet was brought against him. Whether or not he accepts their advice and personally appears before the parliament to present his case, it would indeed be a hostile encounter, an opportunity Musharraf had deliberately avoided when the going was good. His defence however will be more symbolic than making any material difference to his chances of success or failure. The key question according to critics will be how the army responds to the situation; it could behave in either of the three ways:- (i) Remain strictly neutral, not taking sides with the government or the President; (ii) Be helpful to the President in one or the other way in saving his office; (iii) Tell the President that he has played his innings and it was time for him to quit. Prima facie the army, considered to have tilted towards ‘professional soldiery’ is likely to stay aloof from ‘power politics’, but what goes on behind the scene is anybody’s guess. Although the chances are that it is the end of the road for President Musharraf. Unless the army undertakes a ‘rescue mission’, it would not be surprising if Musharraf manages to foil the ‘impeachment threat’ and resorts to other options to stay in the saddle.