If fate holds humiliation, disgrace, public disdain and condemnation in store for some individual, then no worldly power can undo what has been decreed by nature.
This is our belief as a Muslim and one can cite numerous instances in support even from our own history. When catapulted to the topmost position, such individuals could not escape the impending disgrace. Rather, the successive events often intensified the extent of public disdain for them.
Admittedly, in Pakistan the people hold the army in high esteem and have always admired their patriotism and valour to defend the motherland even in adverse circumstances. The masses adore generals, save a few who became controversial as a result of assuming political roles. Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan was the trendsetter amongst this category. Others who emulated him include generals Yahya Khan, Ziaul Haq and Pervez Musharraf.
In the midst of independence celebrations, it looks pertinent to peep into history and refresh our memories about the (mis)deeds of an ambitious general who, in pursuit of his lust for power, caused tremendous loss to Pakistan and became instrumental for East Pakistan’s transformation into Bangladesh. Had Yahya retired as a general, probably like other generals who did not feel the temptation to assume the reigns of power, he would also be admired by the majority. Those who enter the political arena, the civil society, media and human right groups closely monitor their activities. Experience tells that in most of the cases the assessments of these groups are not favourable, as Gen Yahya Khan’s case illustrates.
Ayub Khan’s son, Gohar Ayub Khan (National Assembly’s former speaker and former federal minister) sheds light in his book “Glimpses into the Corridors of Power” as to how President Ayub Khan’s desire to hand over power to National Assembly speaker was torpedoed by Ayub’s hand-picked army chief Gen Yahya. Excerpts from Gohar Ayub’s book are reproduced below, after editing; necessary to give this piece a coherent look, to remind those persons about the inherent pitfalls, who may ever feel the temptation of assuming power through unconstitutional means.
After a severe heart attack in late January 1968 President Ayub again suffered a major heart attack on February 3, 1968. On regaining consciousness, Ayub Khan dictated the names of a few personalities, advising his son Gohar Ayub to call them up and tell them that due to Ayub Khan’s inability to perform presidential duties, the National Assembly speaker will be the acting president in the absence of the president. Those personalities included President’s Adviser Fida Hussain, brother Sardar Bahadur Khan, Governor West Pakistan Gen Mohammad Musa, Army Chief Gen Yahya Khan and Information Secretary Altaf Gohar.
When Ayub’s message was conveyed, Gen Yahya’s response was straight rejection of the speaker’s appointment as president. Gen Yahya immediately called a meeting at the GHQ of persons who had been summoned to the President’s House, where he stressed that Ayub’s illness was not to be announced as a heart attack, but since he would not be seen in public for some time, we would have to invent some other ailment as an excuse for the president’s absence. After consulting President’s physician Lt-Col Maz Mohiuddin, it was decided to announce that President Ayub had suffered from pulmonary embolism (clot in lungs).
Soon after the announcement, Ayub actually had an attack of embolism. On examination, British Dr Prof Goodwin declared that Ayub’s heart has been partially damaged, arteries partly blocked and that he would no longer be able to withstand the pressures of his normal work routine, as high stress could bring on another series of attacks. A few days later, Ayub Khan had another attack of arrhythmia.
As it became apparent that Ayub’s days were numbered, Gen Yahya began to shuffle the generals around. Officers close to Yahya were put in important positions. Yahya also started keeping a tab on Ayub’s health and made sure to receive medical reports regularly. So apparent was his desire to assume power that during a tour in Hong Kong, when Gen Yahya was asked who would be the president after Ayub Khan, without batting an eyelid, Yahya replied: “The future president is standing before you.”
Meanwhile, Agartala conspiracy became an ugly affair. Bengali junior officers from each of the three services were involved in a plot to overthrow the government. Ayub wanted the Agartala case to be tried secretly and in camera in Dhaka, but Yahya strongly recommended that the case be tried in an open court to expose Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Due to open trial, feelings in East Pakistan were inflamed on a daily basis.
In West Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was spearheading a movement against Ayub. During a visit to the UK in 1968, President Ayub met British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, who hinted that Bhutto possibly had been given substantial funds by an intelligence agency to destabilise Ayub government. Bhutto’s slogan of ‘Roti, Kapra aur Makan’ and the pledge of a thousand-year war with India ignited emotions in Punjab, while Mujibur Rahman’s six-point agenda swept East Pakistan. The Combined Opposition Party demanded Ayub’s removal and Gen Yahya actively encouraged the opposition.
A roundtable conference was organised in Rawalpindi. Mujibur Rahman was brought under parole to attend the conference. Yusuf Haroon received Mujib at Chaklala (now Islamabad) airport and took him straight to the GHQ to see Gen Yahya. Haroon wanted Yahya to pressurise Mujib into softening his opposition and tell him that the army would back Ayub Khan. However, Gen Yahya told Mujib that he would remain neutral in the tussle between the opposition and the president. Haroon was struck dumb by Gen Yahya’s sudden shift in position.
The roundtable conference ended on a relatively positive note. It was nevertheless criticised bitterly by Bhutto, who had decided to boycott the conference and attack leaders who were trying to come to a resolution. After the conference, Ayub Khan announced that he would not be a candidate in the 1970 elections, and he also released Mujibur Rahman.
Some people came to Ayub Khan and advised him to hold a referendum. He responded by saying: “Is not what you see on the streets a referendum?” Others suggested that he kill 5,000 people in the streets; that would surely calm things down. “I cannot kill 50 chickens,” Ayub replied, “and you are asking me to kill 5,000 innocent people?”
Finally, President Ayub asked Gen Yahya to impose partial martial law in Karachi, Hyderabad and Lahore. When Yahya made clear his unwillingness to do so, Ayub said to him, “Yahya, I know what you are thinking”.
The 23rd March, 1969 parade at Race Course Ground, Rawalpindi, was cancelled due to political turbulence. However, the armoured units, which had come to Rawalpindi, were asked to draw ammunition from the Central Ammunition Depot. The plan for a takeover was being put into place. The battalion, which provided security to the President’s House and his office, were withdrawn and a new battalion put in their place.
Ayub Khan sent federal ministers Admiral (retired) A.R. Khan and S.M. Zafar, along with the defence secretary and information secretary, to Gen Yahya Khan with the intention of taking Yahya into confidence regarding his plans to bring normalcy to the situation, make constitutional amendments for a parliamentary form of government and direct adult franchise. Gen Yahya flared up, saying the situation was worse than Ayub’s and their assessment and that he would do his duty and no one could stop him. The direction that Gen Yahya was heading to was becoming clearer by the day.
Finally, on March 24, 1969 President Ayub Khan wrote a letter to Gen Yahya, asking the defence forces to step in since it was beyond civil government’s capacity to deal with the complex situation prevailing during those times.
Eagerly waiting for this hour, Gen Yahya imposed martial law on March 25, 1969 and also became the head of state. But, following 1971 gory events, the top brass forced Gen Yahya to resign on December 20, 1971, empowering Bhutto to immediately take over as president/chief martial law administrator.
