Ultimately, the simple premise of the 2008 General Elections became a referendum on the controversially “re-elected” president and grudgingly retired General Pervez Musharraf.
The chain of events that began with the forced ouster of the then chief justice, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, seems to have rebounded through a public vote, the resonance of which is being felt across the globe, not just at home after the February 18 polls.
Given to long years of manipulating power by any which way, Musharraf is trying to put on a brave face but it will require more than self-righteous noises about the need to move on — the rhapsody this time being reconciliation.
How come the need for such bonding was not felt before the Ides of March struck? Why was Nawaz Sharif and his brother not allowed to contest the elections? How will an understanding develop when the president condescends to tell Jemima Khan in an interview that National Reconciliation Order was a mistake before sarcastically, agreeing with her on their low opinion of Asif Zardari?
And last but not least, how can there be any communion when Musharraf deliberately belittles the huge public mandate given to the PML-N by trying to cobble a power equation minus the Sharif-led party thanks to his personal vendetta against the former prime minister and the shameful name-calling of the deposed chief justice at every fora?
Cornered like never before, Musharraf is now attempting to ride on the coattails of the Americans to create a wedge in the ranks of PPP and PML-N.
Ordinarily, this is not an impossible task but a tall order given the extraordinary need of the PPP and PML-N to do business together, for now at least.
One corollary is obvious. Nawaz Sharif has revived his political fortunes by taking a clear and coherent stand on the issue of the deposed judges and then sticking to it.
For all its simplicity, it was a masterstroke and he will likely reap its rewards even in the future if he does not compromise now. One suspects Sharif knows it and can, therefore, even afford to sit out the government for some time.

Different ballgame

For the PPP of slain Benazir Bhutto, it is a completely different ballgame. Their need to form a government at the Centre with their own prime minister is acute even if, hardly enviable, given the many tough political and economic decisions the new government is expected to make soon after coming into power.
In the absence of Benazir, who remained its great binding force for nearly three decades, the PPP under Zardari — who has remained a source of discontent within the party rank and file — will be vulnerable to the devious games of the establishment and intelligence agencies.
In other words, staying in power will be the glue, which keeps them together — and hopefully, provide Zardari the necessary space to earn his spurs as a genuine leader.  So far he has given ample evidence of a consensus-seeking captain.
But to come back to the issue that will be at the heart of the formation of the next government at the Centre and Punjab — and even their undoing, if it does not come to pass — the deposed judiciary.
The PPP appears not too keen on the restoration of the deposed judges but PML-N can ill-afford to part with their hardened stand on it. Even if the PPP reluctantly agrees to finding a middle ground on the issue, Sharif is unlikely to relent on letting bygones be bygones with Musharraf.
Both the parties want Musharraf out, but while they would rather he resign of his own volition, PPP has given indications that it could still live with him for some time in the interest of smooth transition.
On the contrary, Sharif is gunning for an impeachment if Musharraf tries to push his luck although he may eventually come around to Zardari’s advice of making a calculated move.

Impeachment

So far, Musharraf is refusing to buckle down. This may change, if Zardari and Sharif reach the same conclusion to keep their political stock intact.
Debate on possible impeachment may gain currency in the days to come. A look at the locus standi is in order. Article 47 of the Constitution refers to “Removal or impeachment of President.”
It says:
1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Constitution, the President may, in accordance with the provisions of this Article, be removed from office on the ground of physical or mental incapacity or impeached on a charge of violating the Constitution or gross misconduct.
(2) Not less than one-half of the total membership of either House may give to the Speaker of the National Assembly or, as the case my be the Chairman written notice of its intention to move a resolution for the removal of, or, as the case may be, to impeach, the President; and such notice shall set out the particulars of his incapacity or of the charge against him.
(3) If a notice under clause (2) is received by the Chairman, he shall transmit it forthwith to the Speaker.
(4) The Speaker shall, within three days of the receipt of a notice under clause (2) or clause (3), cause a copy of the notice to be transmitted to the President.
(5) The Speaker shall summon the two Houses to meet in a joint sitting not earlier than seven days and not later than fourteen days after the receipt of the notice by him.
(6) The joint sitting may investigate or cause to be investigated the ground or the charge upon which the notice is founded.
(7) The President shall have the right to appear and be represented during the investigation, if any, and before the joint sitting.
(8) If, after consideration of the result of the investigation, if any, a resolution is passed at the joint sitting by the votes of not less than two-thirds of the total membership of [Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)] declaring that the President is unfit to hold the office due to incapacity or is guilty of violating the Constitution or of gross misconduct, the President shall cease to hold office immediately on the passing of the resolution.
However, in his first news conference following the election that gave him something to shout about, Sharif said his party would push for the restoration of the deposed judges so that Pakistan stood as it did on November 2, 2007 (pre-Emergency).
And how that would be achievable is, according to Sharif, to let the Supreme Court bench that was seized of the case pertaining to the validity or otherwise of Musharraf’s bid for presidential re-election decide his fate.
The PPP has shown flexibility on the issue for now, but it could very well be a strategic move before they checkmate Musharraf. After all, Benazir did this country a huge favour by shrewdly painting Musharraf into a corner where he was forced to shed his uniform in the hope of sharing power.
Regardless of what eventually happens to Musharraf, the gnawing reality is that politically, he has reached a dead-end.