Elections of February 18, 2008 are described as people having expressed their strong will for change and prosperity that were henceforth compromised due to exigencies of politics. Time and again confidence of people has played havoc due to emotional and geographical detachment of representatives from the people of their constituencies. This attitude of representatives has not only dampened the hopes of people for any good to happen in their lives but in the last two decades they have shown complete disenchantment by not becoming part of political process in elections or put up struggle against the militaristic usurpers of the system.
After harsh experiences of the past and protracted years of despondency, people have again reposed confidence in the political parties; so it is the utmost responsibility of the political representatives to translate the hopes and expectations of people into real change both in the lives of the people and the institutions; which could respond to the needs of the people. Appetite for change in Pakistan has never come before as stridently as it has thumped up in the present elections. People want to live on their soil with peace, dignity and prosperity. Democratic aspirations of people could be better addressed by transforming the entire edifice of the state. Strong will of the people for democratic dispensations has sent ripples in the establishment and their civilian collaborators.
Musharraf regime, an epitome of repression across the country, has embroiled the country into endless violence. Explosions (claimed suicide bombing by state agencies) have traveled from north to south. Sense of insecurity is instilled among the people to the extent that none is feeling safe even within compounds of his/her home. Political parties and mainstream leadership was deliberately kept aloof from people by using propagandist and highhanded means but it could not work to the nasty expectations of Khakis and they survived recurrent attempts of maligning them and establishment has utterly failed to create the gap among mainstream leadership and people.
Despite distinct approaches to deal with the dictators, which sometimes caused big chasm in the relations of leader of two mainstream parties they have worked towards bringing back the democracy on track and adopted collective strategy of going into elections. After elections they have manifested the sagacity to form the government together in the provinces and centre.
However politics of All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) formed in the wake of London APC manifestly took a very good stance of removing the regime of President Musharraf before holding free and fair elections and restoring the constitution of 1973 to its original shape. New agenda of reinstating the deposed judges was factored in the list of their issues after the coup of November 3, 2007. The alliance remained handicapped to newly emerging scenarios when some of the senior partners like PML-N and ANP left it in quick succession.
Motley of ideological inclinations converged on these issues on the platform of APDM. Nationalist and leftist groups form the big chunk of the alliance with few rightist parties, which have been at loggerheads with their partners in the past. Accommodation and adaptation amongst estranged partners has never been observed before in the political history of Pakistan. Nationalist aspirations narrated by nationalists’ parties found no place in the religious tenets as interpreted by the ideologues of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI). Simultaneously nationalist forces without discrimination of provinces have always taken JI as symbol of religious chauvinism. Even though they apparently come up with a collective agenda to pursue and mobilize people to impress upon the dictator but they have utterly failed to bring out the people. The JI renowned for its nuisance value could not even add much value to this. Sometimes serious analysts came up with the opinion that it appears to be a disruptive and destructive force in a way that its steps can give enough excuse to the retired general to put the elections on hold.
APDM has failed to establish any close or symbiotic linkage with the lawyers running an effective and issue-focused movement from March 9, 2007 onwards even if both claim to achieve similar ideals of supremacy of constitution and restoration of judiciary through more or less similar means.
Reluctance between lawyers and APDM is reflective of apprehension both camps have about each other. To a great extent the retired general resorted to these heinous designs and callous steps after the MMA in which JI was inalienable and integral part, strengthened the hands of the general by passing the 17th amendment. So becoming part of APDM and taking a hard stance was a redemptive tactic by JI to stand out as democracy lover among the people of Pakistan. But still JI has to bring substantial change in its mode of politicking to make itself acceptable to the people of Pakistan, who have got critical eye to assess the situation because of going through prolong years of turmoil. No sustainable and large gatherings were taken out to validate their claims of mobilizing the people around these questions.
ANP and subsequently PML-N realizing the unclear, incoherent and inconsequential methods of APDM movement separated their ways. As Benazir Bhutto Shaheed articulated well by saying that we should not leave the platform open to Q league but contest the elections in protest. If elections turn out to be rigged then it would be far easier to reach and mobilize the people. The post election scenario proves political acumen and vision of late chairperson of PPP. So these two parties stick to this idea but APDM took on the bumpy course that is increasingly seen with a skeptical eye.
Post elections situation in Balochistan portrays a dismal picture. Urban intelligentsia hardly cognizant of socio-political canvass of the country is simplistically drawing conclusions on the election results of Balochistan as to how the Baloch are struggling against the regime when they have elected the Q league in terms of number of seats. Urban middle class has neither the experience of Balochistan nor do they bother to look deeply into their social set-up. It is hard to make them understand that tribal chiefs enjoying partial support from the masses have succeeded on individual basis. Q league as a party, its manifesto and past policies had very little influence on these results. Further voter turnout is the lowest in Balochistan. Majority of the people preferred to remain at home.
Balochistan is the single province where nationalist parties have always succeeded in majority but these parties desisted from taking part in the elections. Conflict in Balochistan has gone out of proportion when military unleashed the operation since 2002-03. From accession of Balochistan till date, relations of federation with Balochistan have been strained without exception of dictatorial regime or democratic government in the centre. Despite Baloch leaders have shown readiness to amicably settle down the issues of provincial autonomy, particularly recognition of economic rights on their resources; conceited generals and shortsighted politicians have never compassionately taken up the issue of Balochistan on priority. Further the issue of Balochistan is intertwined with blatantly denied right of provincial autonomy that was assured at the inception of the country and then in the constitution of 1973. In the perspective of this troubled history and repeated violations of constitutional rights and agreements have left the Baloch polity in the state of apathy. This has actually been expressed by the Baloch in the recent elections rather than victory of one or the other party.
Articulating the demands through institutions like provincial and national assemblies and Senate became useless for the Baloch, particularly in the last stint of assemblies when Mushahid-led committee proposed 28 points of settling the issues with Nawab Bugti but anathema of the general for negotiation could not bring it to fruitions. This entire effort went into vain. Since then Baloch have increasingly realized that establishment is not serious to take their issues into account and design a long-term framework for distributive justice that was and is the need of the hour to keep the country intact.
Subsequently a reputed 80-year-old Baloch leader Nawab Bugti was murdered in a cold-blooded manner and his family was not even allowed to perform his funeral ceremony. Thus the disgruntled Baloch polity has started manifesting the mode of non-cooperation and non-participation towards the federation irrespective of whosoever represents it. In this scenario Baloch youth is being dragged into increased alienation and wider acceptance of thinking over the alternative of breakaway.
One can understand the pain Baloch as a nation is going through but it becomes extremely difficult to understand that Baloch nationalist forces find it fit to articulate their demands on the platform of APDM whose image is marred and consists of such political groups which never acknowledge the socio-political rights as Baloch people demand. Despite all anger and contradiction Baloch directing towards the federation, by joining APDM they have exhibited that they still want to fight for their rights in the federal framework.
On this premise Baloch political parties, already working as an alliance, should have taken part in the elections and not left the forum open for the people working as stooges of establishment. As the late PPP chairperson put it that we are contesting the elections in protest if results have been tampered with, they would have been in a far better position to decide the next move, possibly agitation. Now emergence of PML-Q as the single largest party of Balochistan is giving pretext to politically and socially alienated elites and intelligentsia of the big cities, particularly of Islamabad as to how the Baloch issue is exaggerated unnecessarily. Further getting linked up with APDM and articulating their demands on the basis of this forum could never translate into reality because of the antagonism that exists among different constituents. So far it is observed that Baloch issue is diluted under the shadow of big narratives of restoration of judiciary and supremacy of constitution.
Further past experience of absence of politicians in 1985 elections is enough precedence to realize how the new cadre of military supported politicians was created that has still plagued the political culture. The people who succeeded under the banner of Q league do not appear to be siding with any party on ideological or principled basis thus their political identity as Q league will soon change as they are collectively or individually getting incentives from the parties forming government in the centre. Hence nationalist forces have given way to such people in the assembly who will do nothing other than self aggrandizement. Raising voice for the underprivileged populace of the province will remain marginalized so there is less likelihood that Baloch issue will be sorted out in assemblies.
Whatever may happen with individuals but the Baloch cause which is at a critical juncture could have been pushed forward if Baloch nationalist forces had not aligned themselves with the APDM and taken part in the elections. In the recent past some of the parliamentarians of Baloch nationalist parties resigned from national and provincial offices in protest of murder of Nawab Bugti but it has only reduced the spread of their voice and could not symbolically or practically sharpened the movement.
Struggle for cause is always waged on different fronts so leaving the assemblies devoid of such voices will have serious repercussion in terms of taking any step to negotiate with Baloch leadership. Their presence in Islamabad was extremely essential for furthering the cause at national and international level but their abstention from elections has severely damaged the cause and in future it will manifest in different ways. Still the claim of APDM for bringing back real democracy has not seen any holistic strategy to pursue the purpose. Consequently Baloch nationalist parties have no option but rally to the support of the newly-elected democratic forces and emphatically bring forward their case. On the other hand it is also the paramount responsibility of PPP and PML-N to engage with real representatives of Baloch who are out of these assemblies to tackle the issue and provide the opportunity to people of the province to live a life of peace and dignity.
