What would be the next government structure in Sindh? Will the PPP turn out to be the single majority party in the province in the upcoming elections? What would be the future of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) if the PPP forms the next provincial government? Will it join hands with the MQM? These key questions can only be replied after February 18 elections, which are barely a couple of days away amid fear of a low voters turnout. Recent surveys and political atmosphere suggest that the PPP riding a sympathy wave created by the assassination of former prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, is likely to sweep the polls in the rural areas of Sindh where emotions have been running high since December 27, 2007. In the interior of Sindh, only Pir Pagara-led Pakistan Muslim League (F) is in a position to challenge the formidable PPP in some constituencies of Khairpur, Sanghar and Mirpurkhas districts. Otherwise, the field apparently seems to be open for the PPP candidates who have been using every tactic to exploit the blood of the slain prime minister. A section of analysts thinks the recent statements made by the co-chairman of the PPP, Asif Ali Zardari, that he has the option to work with the embattling President Pervez Musharraf after the elections, has shocked the people of Sindh who believe that their leader has sacrificed her life for democracy. They opine that Mr Zardari has given a signal to the country's powerful military and civil establishment that they do not have to rig the polls as he will not challenge the "system" even if his party wins the polls. This doesn't end here. Mr Zardari, who till December 27 was totally out of scene, shocked the political observers by backtracking on his stand against the King's party (PML-Q) stating that the recent anti-PPP campaign is being launched by some "individuals", and the party (PML-Q) as a whole stays away from that. Analysts imply that Mr Zardari seems to be desperate to brush aside an impression that he can be a problem for the "system". Instead, he appears to be eager to be a part of the system, even at the cost of his wife's death, There is no second opinion about the fact that a majority of the people of Sindh consider the establishment responsible for the assassination of their leader. What message would they get from Zardari's ambitions? As Mir Taqi Mir says Mir Bhi Kiya Sadah hain Beemar Howay Jis kay Sabab Usi Attar Ka Londay say Dawa Laitay Hain Zardari's intention to work with Musharraf after the elections, indirectly delivers a goodwill gesture to the MQM, an archrival of the PPP. However, analysts do not take it as easy and simple. The track record of "political romance" between the PPP and the MQM suggests that it would not be a long lasting affair this time too because of the nature and structure of the two parties. The MQM, which has appeared to be a part and parcel of the establishment during the last eight years, is confident and comfortable this time more than ever. Political pundits foresee a smooth sailing for the MQM in Karachi and Hyderabad, especially after its close rival, Jamaat-i-Islami is out of the field. The MQM, which managed to secure 12 out of total 20 national assembly and 25 out of 40 provincial assembly seats in Karachi is eyeing a clean sweep this time with no potential rival in the field and a full backing of the state. . In the 2002 elections, the MQM fielded candidates in all 20 constituencies but lost eight seats: two national assembly seats were won by the Pakistan People's Party-Parliamentarians (PPP-P), five by the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) and one seat was bagged by the Mohajir Qaumi Movement, the breakaway faction of the Altaf Hussain-led MQM. The party is using all resources at its disposal to run its elections campaign in not only Karachi but also across Sindh. As the city has been grappling with acute electricity crisis, and fire incidents, the vehicles of Karachi Electric Supply Corporation (KESC), and the city government are busy in election work of the government candidates. In the 2002 general elections, the MQM secured 692,355 votes in the 20 Karachi national assembly constituencies against a total of 4,743,993 registered votes. The percentage of votes polled to registered votes ranged between 32.2 per cent in NA-248 to the maximum of 44.9 per cent in NA-242. The MQM is facing a tough resistance from the PPP candidates in NA-239 while there are bright chances of PPP's victory on its traditional Lyari seat i.e. NA-248 and NA-258. For NA-248 and NA-258, the reasons behind the MQM's defeat in 2002 were obvious: both constituencies are PPP strongholds. The MQM enjoys merely a nominal vote here and won only 4,825 votes in the former and 8,400 votes in the latter during the last elections. This time round too, while the MQM has fielded candidates on both constituencies, party leaders privately acknowledge that they have no chance of winning the seats. The MQM's main rival, the Jamaat-i-Islami has announced a boycott of the forthcoming general elections, as a result of which MQM stalwarts are hoping for a convincing victory with increased confidence. Last time round, the MQM's defeat at the hands of the MMA was quite unexpected. Explaining this, the MQM leaders point out that the MQM had boycotted the local body elections held in 2001 and JI candidates won because of this. As compared to the JI, therefore, the MQM was not too well-prepared to contest the 2002 general elections that were held on the basis of new voters' lists and in delimited constituencies," the MQM leaders say. ALL SET FOR RIGGING: Political pundits do not rule out "miracles" in favour of demoralized PML-Q candidates before, on, and after the polling day. Likewise other parts of the country, some 21 district nazims have been openly supporting the government-backed candidates in the province raising doubts about fairness and transparency of the elections. The PPP has only one nazim in the province i.e. Faryal Talpur, a sister of Asif Zardari, who had won the Nawabshah district nazim seat on toss. In Karachi, a senior artist, Khushbakht Shujaat is contesting on NA-250 Karachi on the MQM platform, and her husband, Shujaat Baig is the provincial minister, who has been running her campaign. District Nazim Dadu, Abdul Karim Jatoi, who is a son of former federal minister for water and power, Liaquat Jatoi, is running the election campaign of his father, his brother and his relatives in the district. Surrounded by heavily armed guards of Jatoi tribe, the district nazim doesn't give a damn to the election commission's code of conduct as in reply to several complaints, the commission sees no violation of its own code of conduct in the district. District nazims loyal to Pir Sahib's PML-F in Khairpur, Matyari, Mirpurkhas, Umerkot and Sanghar are vigorously busy in running the campaign of their party candidates. Situation is not different in Sukkur, Ghotki, Tando Allahyar, Jaccobabad, Shikarpur and other districts. In Jaccobabad, district nazima, Begum Saeeda Soomro, who is the mother of caretaker prime minister, Mohammedmian Soomro, is taking care of her grandson Fahad Malik's campaign posing an open challenge to the PPP candidate "win if you can". Powerful Mahars in Ghotki district are giving no space to their political rivals to stay in the fray, but election commission sees all well. Another factor that has raised the doubts about transparency of polls is arrests of hundreds of PPP stalwarts in different parts of the province on the charge of damaging public and private property after December 27. A PPP candidate Sami Dehlvi, who is contesting polls against the MQM in New Karachi area, has been arrested and remanded by the court in a kidnap case. Several PPP workers have been detained in Thar, where former chief minister, Dr Arbab Ghulam Rahim, who is still being given a chief executive's protocol , is contesting the polls. " I don't see any glimmer of hope even if the polling is free and fair because the elections have already been rigged,” Ghazi Salahuddin, a Karachi-based senior political analyst told weekly Pulse. He thinks that no matter what will be the election results, the masses will not accept that. "An immense impression has been created about rigging by the steps taken by the government itself. There is no independent judiciary, no constitution, no impartial caretaker government, controversial election commission and bogus voters lists. What else do you require for rigged elections", Ghazi asked. "Unfortunately, the government itself is responsible for this impression. Even if there is no rigging on the polling day, the elections cannot be free and fair, because everything has been settled down in favor of King's parties", he contended and added "there is potential of disorder". "It's not only the question about elections, I feel that our lives have been rigged. I see a very grim picture after the elections,” Ghazi maintained. He opines that the rigged elections will pose a serious threat to the federation of the country. "You have already seen the emotions of the people of smaller provinces, especially in Sindh after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto ( former prime minister). If the people of smaller provinces feel that their will has been stolen, that would be a major threat to the country's federation,” he said. No doubt, the PPP still has an edge over its rivals due to the ongoing sympathy wave, but in given circumstances, it would be a daunting task for its candidates to translate this wave into success. Let's see what February 18 has stored for Sindhis? Percentage of votes secured by political parties in Sindh in 2002 polls Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians: 36.60 27 per cent Muttahida Qaumi Movement: 15.73 13 per cent National Alliance: 10.86 5 per cent Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal Pakistan: 10.65 6 per cent Pakistan Muslim League (Q): 8.94 4 per cent Pakistan Muslim League (Functional): 5.43 4 per cent Pakistan Muslim League (N): 1.60 0 per cent Sunni Tehreek: 1.19 0 per cent Other parties: 2.40 1 per cent Independent: 6.60 1 per cent.