The suicidal action on December 27, which resulted in the tragic death of Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto (1953-2007) in Liaquat Bagh along with dozens of others is a closure of another chapter of the struggle for the revival of representative system and constitutional integration in Pakistan. Having been ruled by praetorian rulers and pseudo politicians for the larger period of its existence without either political or economic development, she represented the country inside and outside as the leader of common man, symbol of federalism and promoter of democratic spirit under constitutional values. Her death seems a blow to many hopes associated with the forthcoming elections as a possibility of a way out of the chaos and anarchy the country is already in.
Benazir was a fine orator, politically mature and groomed under the competent leadership of her father who is still recognized, inside and outside Pakistan, as a leader of high stature. She was a prolific writer and her writings in large replicate resilience and her popularity. Having studies at Oxford and Harvard, she excelled her brothers in skills and courage, a factor probably her dad foresaw as her true successor, and leadership. Her political journey began soon after her father was removed through a military coup by his trusted praetorian whom he promoted over three generals as Chief of the Army Staff. Thus she from the beginning was faced with the challenges of the forces suffering from the crises of legitimacy and participation. The costs of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s elimination from power and later on judicial killing were much higher for the country in years to come. But the removal of Bhutto on one hand gave him eternity in history as a hero and martyr, while on the other devolved the leadership of the party he found in 1965 to Benazir. Many might have branded the continuation of the leadership of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) as hereditary and undemocratic but the fact remained that he represented the party interests well and excelled many others in the party.
The PPP is a party having support amongst the masses. It unlike many other political parties represents federation. Thus it posed a major threat to Gen Ziaul Haq who believed in continuation of his ruler type military role against all promises and pledges made for the restoration of democracy. He supported political and pressure groups to counter the popularity of PPP in all provinces of Pakistan, particularly in Sindh. Benazir inside and outside Pakistan united and refreshed the party’s spirit for restoration of democracy. Her return and exemplary welcome by masses in Lahore in 1986 supported the proof of her leadership.
Zia’s death and 1988 elections brought her into power at a time when the country had experienced a long period praetorian-led controlled democracy; growth of fundamentalism due to Afghan Jihad which directly legitimized military junta; and permeation of drug and money mafia in politics. She had all odds of her 20-month rule until her dismissal by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan under 58 B-2 in August 1990.
The elections in 1993 brought her again to power. Her government lasted until November 5, 1996 when it was dismissed by the President Farooq Leghari. The charges against her by the president were that he was “satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the government of the federation cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the constitution”. Similar charges were leveled against Maulvi Tamizuddin, Fazlul Haq and Khawaja Nazimuddin’s ministries by Ghulam Mohammad.
She believed in the role of opposition and though less powerful as the prime minister unlike her father to spite her rivals out, she was not ruthless in exercise of power. She maintained her values as the opposition leader in both tenures of Nawaz Sharif’s premiership and remained active in parliamentary debates and discussion. According to many taking day to day minutes while on visitors’ gallery are witness to the fact that very few could match her in eloquence and sharpness in interpretation of clauses and rules from either opposition or treasury benches.
During the period of Musharraf regime she was largely out of Pakistan, both facilitated and denied in self exile. She was faced with corruption charges not much about which has been proved. She did not contest elections. Thus she was absent from the parliament which completed its tenure under those who tailor-made, if not sabotaged, the constitution to legitimize their own rule.
Her return to Pakistan after years of exile was her commitment to democracy and probably a deal about which the government partially honoured. The removal of President Musharraf’s uniform might not have been the sole result of her return and promises made to her, but it accounted for. She wanted free and fair elections; removal of uniform and restoration of restriction on her third time prime minister. Under a parliamentary system, and even in system where prime minister is less strong than the president, a prime minister can be elected more than twice. The deal if made does not reflect on her commitment to democracy. She believed in promotion of human values (greater than human rights), female rights, and end to militarism in politics which has made the country more or less a garrison state. And after all she raised voice to the promotion of political institutions and countering of terrorism. Terrorism was a menace to her which unfortunately had been plaguing Pakistani society. She was brave in denouncing terrorism in important national and international forums, the seeds of which were sown in the long years of Afghan war (1980-88) and watered through unrepresentative governments and its affiliated agencies.
Her death is a national tragedy. Nation wide mourning and protests are a reflection that the masses believed in her leadership for a better tomorrow. As expressed by her in her last pubic speech, followed by wave to public, indeed her last wave to life, in Liaquat Bagh, reminds one of the leadership gap not to be filled in the years to come.
