Report
 
Challenges to evolution of a national counter terrorism policy in Pakistan-I
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July 27, 2012
In the absence of an elaborate and threat-specific counter-terrorism policy Pakistan’s successes against militants in its tribal regions remain fragile and reversible. The political narrative in Islamabad that the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan will lead to reduction in terrorist violence in Pakistan is flawed and misplaced. Without developing a national-level counter-terrorism policy the country will continue to suffer at the hands of home grown terrorists.

Despite suffering a decade-long spate of terrorism, after the 9/11 incidents, Pakistan still lacks a coherent and effective national counter-terrorism policy. Even though in the last two years terrorism has declined considerably in Pakistan, still the problem remains serious.

Since 2009 Pakistan has made significant gains against the terrorist networks in Malakand Division of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). However, in the absence of an elaborate and threat-specific counter-terror policy these gains remain fragile and reversible. The government continues to rely almost exclusively on military solutions to internal security challenges instead of developing long-term institutional responses which also factors in political, development and ideological responses.

Various components of current counter-terror strategy of ‘clear-hold and build’ are not complementing each other. In the face of a military offensive terrorists’ tactical retreat enables the security forces to clear an area in quick time; however, the hold stage prolongs as militants start pouring back into the area as soon as the military operation finishes off. With the exception of Malakand Division this pattern can be found in the entire tribal belt of Pakistan where military operations have been conducted. Coupled with this slow reconstruction of conflict-hit areas, less than impressive rehabilitation of Internally Displaced Person (IDPs) and lackadaisical performance of civil institutions have also undermined the gains made in fight against the militancy.

The current counter-terrorism approach in Pakistan is geared towards containment of violence in peripheral tribal region rather than its elimination.

Impediments to National Counter Terrorism Policy

A number of factors hinder the progress on evolution of a national counter-terrorism policy

Selective Counter-Terrorism

The “good Taliban” vs “bad Taliban” debate lies at the heart of this issue. Being hard to some terrorist outfits while totally ignoring and overlooking the others groups has eluded the efforts to develop a comprehensive national level counter-terrorism policy based on the principle of zero tolerance for terrorism. Despite enormous pressure from the US and international community Pakistan’s refusal to destroy the sanctuaries of the Haqqani Network in North Waziristan and allowing certain terrorist group to use its soil to carry out attacks against the international coalition forces in Afghanistan underscores this dilemma.

Appeasing some groups like the anti-Shia sectarian outfits Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (Le) and Ahl-e-SunnatWalJamaat (ASWJ), formerly known as Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), and the Kashmiri jihadi outfits has raised eye-brows about the sincerity of current counter-terrorism approach in Pakistan. Despite open admission by the LeJ of its involvement in the massacre of ethnic Hazara Shia community in the Balochistan province no effective measures have been taken against the terror group.

Questions also remain about the effectiveness of military operations conducted in Malakand Division and tribal areas. With the exception of very few notable commanders like Sufi Muhammad, the head of the banned Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM), and Muslim Khan, the former spokesperson of TTP Swat chapter, no high-profile terrorists have been killed or captured in these military operations. No trials have been initiated against the arrested ones.


Ownership Dilemma

Lack of political consensus among various stakeholders is a major stumbling block in efforts to evolve an effective urban counter-terrorism policy. Two kinds of opinions exist among the political parties. One, the religious-political parties believe that the Pakistani security forces are fighting American war in FATA. Despite losing around 30,000 civilians and 5,000 security personnel in home grown militancy they believe terrorism is not Pakistan’s indigenous issue. According to them terrorism in Pakistan is a by-product of US invasion of Afghanistan. The US-led drone strikes in the tribal areas and Pakistan army’s decision to deploy troops in the semi-autonomous tribal regions, first time ever in country’s history, on American behest has generated furious reactions in these areas. They uphold the current wave of terrorism will subside as soon as Pakistan distances itself from the US.

Second, the centrist parties like Imran Khan-led Pakistan TehrikeInsaf (PTI) and the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N), major opposition party in the center and ruling party in the Punjab province, believe the issue of militancy and terrorism has its roots in FATA and terrorist incidents happening on mainland are a spillover effect of the same conflict.

In an environment of such divided political opinions on grave internal security challenges also hinder the evolution of a national counter-terrorism policy looks very unlikely. A bipartisan approach is a must for realization of such a policy which hardly exists in Pakistan.

The writer is a Senior Analyst at International Center for Political Violence and Terrorism (ICPVTR) ,Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Singapore.

To be continued……..

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