Opinion
 
Getting the best of bargain
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April 20, 2012
At long last, parliament has finalized the recommendations of Parliamentary Committee on National Security (PCNS) for resetting ties with the US, which were suspended after the November 26 attack on Salala Check Post in Mohmand tribal region. Given the stakes involved and the gravity of situation despite several deadlocks and differences the stakeholders were compelled to thrash out their differences and reach a bare minimum consensus in this regard.

The recommendations of PCNS, among others, included the reopening of non-lethal land route supplies to NATO forces stationed in Afghanistan. However, this time around it has been made sure that the Terms of Reference (TORs) are not only transparent and documented, but also in sync with Pakistan’s own interest. The Defense of Pakistan Council (DPC) may think otherwise. Notwithstanding the pressure exerted by DPC and other right wing groups, in a rare show of bipartisan decision making, the political stakeholders inside the parliament should be applauded for taking a pragmatic decision and ending the protracted deadlock. At the end of the day diplomacy is the art of achieving the impossible.

Within its limited capacity Pakistan twisted the American arm as much as it could to squeeze out maximum favours and also to shun the impression of following US dictates unconditionally. The US on its part accommodated Pakistani demands and showed willingness to work with and through Pakistan to address its concerns and reservations. Above all, the willingness showed by Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari to attend Chicago Summit next month augurs well for ongoing efforts to reach out a political settlement of Afghan endgame.

Pakistan’s decision to distance itself from the reconciliation process only helped in aggravating the situation along with compromising Pakistan’s own legitimate concerns and interests vis. a vis. Afghanistan. Pak-US counter-terrorism cooperation is vitally important for taking the ongoing security transition and endgame in Afghanistan to a logical conclusion, if any at all.

For the sake of deliberation let us just look at the pros and cons of alternatives options available to Pakistan. After Salala incident the immediate course of action adopted by Pakistan was to suspend land route supplies to NATO forces stationed in Afghanistan, vacation of Shamsi Airbase under US use, demand of impartial inquiry, punishments for the culprits involved in the unfortunate incident, a public apology from the US, minimizing footprint of American security contractors and trainers in Pakistan as well as to convince Americans to stop conducting drone strikes inside Pakistani tribal region. Pakistan also boycotted the landmark Bonn Summit in November last year despite repeated requests from US and other NATO allies. Counter-terrorism cooperation between the two countries came to a grinding halt and the landmark process of re-writing the terms of engagement for resetting the ties with the US began.

Forty-six NATO countries and the US waited anxiously for the outcome of PCNS’s recommendations. Pakistan’s decision to distance itself from the process of Afghan endgame not only prompted Hamid Karzai to negotiate a strategic partnership agreement with India but the US also favoured and endorsed a heavy mandate and far greater role for India in post-US Afghanistan. Also, the US kick-started Doha Peace Process with the Afghan Taliban without taking Pakistan or Afghan President Hamid Karzai on board which sent alarm bells ringing both in Kabul and Islamabad. Luckily for Pakistan after incidents of Quran burning and massacre of 16 Afghan civilians by a US marine in Afghanistan Shura of Afghan Taliban opted out of Doha Peace Process.


Pakistan initiated its own regional diplomatic initiative regarding Afghan end game, however, the declaration of trilateral Afghanistan-Pakistan-Iran summit was nothing more than a lofty rhetoric. So it becomes evident that going into a non-cooperation mode was not a viable option. And after all boycotting everything and pushing oneself in isolation mode is at best a foolish and at minimum no policy at all. It also merits a mention here that Americans and NATO forces need these routes to take out their heavy war equipment out of Afghanistan more than inland supplies to its troops which are already going on through the northern supply route.

Other options could have involved extending cooperation to US and NATO countries without opening land route supplies but that would have damaged Pakistan’s bargain position in Afghan settlement. It merits a mention here that in reply to Pakistan’s arm twisting tactics American announced a head bounty of $10 billion on Hafiz Saeed, suspended financial assistance to Pakistan, the issue of Balochistan was taken up in US congress and a resolution was also tabled, as mentioned above a greater role was awarded to India and peace process with Afghan Taliban was started without taking Pakistan onboard. These are just few of the many options which Americans could have adopted had Pakistan prolonged or decided to opt otherwise.

Other than its pragmatic approach the decision of parliament has symbolic importance in other respects as well. For the first time Pakistan Army was forced to give the ownership of foreign policymaking to parliament and bring in transparency in its dealing with the US. Though it disappointed many to see opposition parties boycotting and opting out of review process on several occasions; however, they successfully finalized the PCNS’s recommendations. This is a landmark decision which will go a long way towards strengthening the democratic institutions and restoring the confidence of masses in the country’s elected institutions.

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