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Learning from Turkey?
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Visits 49
March 23, 2012
Turkey has made big economic strides under The Justice and Development Party – AKP. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan leads the party in a roughly 550 member parliament with 327 members. For a long time, Turkey, while suffering from political instability and polarization, used to be called the ‘the sick man of Europe’ and suffered inflation rates as high as 80 per cent per annum. But Turkey fought back and got itself out of trouble. It reformed its economy with some tough decisions, which set it on an upward trajectory. Turkey’s economic turnaround has indeed been remarkable, partly with successive International Monetary Fund support programmes. While economic growth in the country still remains volatile and inflation rears its ugly head now and then, Turkey’s economic managers are quick to make adjustments to bring the economy back on track.

At the same time, the grand political consensus on the separation of politics and religion remains strongly in place. The entire political discourse, therefore, continues to be embedded in universally acknowledged democratic values. The AKP portrays itself as a pro-Western party in the Turkish political spectrum that advocates a conservative social agenda and a liberal market economy with the objective of getting Turkey into the European Union. But the secular ideals – however controversial they may be in the eyes of many Muslims – remain untouched even today.

The reason is simple: Kemal Ataturk founded modern Turkey in 1923 with the aim of making religion irrelevant to the socio-politics of the country. He considered religion a source of sectarian divide and social polarization in a country where 98 per cent Muslims follow the Hanafi school of thought. His system drove clear separation between state and religion. Religious matters simply went to the Presidency of Religious Affairs - Diyanet, set up in 1924 after the abolition of the caliphate. Diyanet represents the highest Islamic religious authority in the country.

Diyanet works under the prime minister’s office and is the guardian of Muslim faith matters and a watchdog over religious establishments. It comprises a thousand people including scholars from various segments and schools of thought. In 81 cities, it has sub-mission, headed by a Mufti. Almost 970 Muftis are associated with Diyanet and it also oversees 85,000 mosque, where 120,000 government-hired Imams lead prayers and impart religious education.

And education is central to all the functions that belong to, or come under the purview of Diyanet; all top officials of Diyanet are required to undergo a three-year training (beside their masters or doctoral degrees). Imam’s, too must be at least graduates to be able to lead Jumma prayers . But to move beyond this role, they must take a three year course i.e. they can become Khateeb and Mufti only if they take up specialised courses in Hadith, Fizh, Uloome Islami, and Quran. All courses are open without any hidden agenda and are drawn from Islamic sources, under the guidance and control of the state.

All Imams and Khateebs must use sermons cleared only by Diyanet and this injunction was clearly meant to prevent proliferation or propagation of hate-speech or sectarian discrimination. Under the existing laws, religious establishments i.e. socio-political groups or parties are barred from direct participation in political activities to prevent them from manipulating politics based on their faith.

So far, this has worked. The secular nature of the state is very much in place. Although the ruling party and its allied parties are increasingly using religion as a motivation force, the state remains non-intrusive, with no interference in people’s lives.

What do we do in Pakistan? Are we expecting a miracle to extricate the country from the consequences of the religio-politica crisis and sectarian strife, or will the political leadership rise above personal expedience to close ranks and emulate some of the good work that has protected Turkey from these ills so far? For that matter, there is plenty to learn even from Indonesia and Malaysia, where the state managed to keep religion separate from political business. These states have also kept the religious education under scrutiny to ensure harmony.


Nowhere in these countries can an individual or group illegally occupy a public or private piece of land to turn it into a mosque, madrassa or church.

In Turkey, while the AKP rule may have created some space for individual and unauthorized initiation of religious institutions, yet largely no mosque or seminary can be built without Diyanet’s approval. Nor is the clergy permitted to serve as the ultimate self-righteous arbiter of religious matters. Diyanet in fact sends in inspectors if there is a complaint of misuse of mosque or madrassa, or of sectarian incitement.

Diyanet adjudicates matters in light of the Muslim sources, and regularly organizes refresher courses to update the knowledge and understanding of Imams and Khateebs who must be graduates of faculty of theology, Islamic Studies, and must be equipped with comparative studies of religion.

A Norwegian organization recently took a delegation comprising some very important religious scholars including Qari Hanif Jalandhry and members of civil society to expose them to the Turkish model of secularism, and how Diyanet works. They also met with Mustafa Akyol, an enterprising author (Islam Without Extremes) and tv commentator, who believes Turkey has escaped sectarian or political upheaval largely because of its secularist political model in which political parties are not supposed to mesh their ideologies with politics. Nor are the religious or religio-political parties allowed to participate in political matters. It is certainly a model worth emulating in Pakistan and a food for thought for all those who want to see a clear separation between religion and politics. Also those who matter must see to it that religious parties and groups stop exploitation of their social status for economic gains, and that there is no hate speech nor unauthorized constructions on state or private lands.

It is, of course, debatable as to whether Pakistan can follow what Ataturk did over 90 years ago with brute power. Yet, what deserves consideration is whether Pakistan can emulate some of the fundamental principles of preventing the enmeshing of religion and politics.

Other Muslim countries like Malaysia and Indonesia have also gone through more or less similar experiences which can indeed serve as role-model for a country like Pakistan that is currently embroiled in crisis that stems from the inter-twining of religion and politics. If the entire education system is subject to state regulations, why cannot the private religious education establishment i.e. madaris be subject to those regulation to avoid sectarian divisions and their adverse impact on the society.

What we need to learn from Turkey, Malaysia and Indonesia is to shed stereotypes like “Pakistan being the citadel of Islam”, and instead focus on the welfare of and harmony among the “Citizens”. Pakistan also needs to shun all those organizations – for its own long-term interest – whose stated aim is to conquer or dominate the world.

(The article is based observations from a recent Peace Conference that the Norwegian Church Aid held at Istanbul for members of Pakistani religious seminaries and civil society members).

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