Opinion
 
NATO aggression: Time to redefine rules of engagement
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December 02, 2011
The NATO helicopters and jets strafed Pakistani check post located 200-300 meters inside Pakistan on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border for nearly two hours on November 26, 2011. These strikes martyred 26 Pakistani soldiers and injured more than 250. This catastrophe would be having lasting impact on the Pakistan’s foreign and strategic policies.

The tragedy not only exposed Pakistani forces’ vulnerability to the partners in the war on terrorism, but also highlighted the severe gaps in its defense arrangements on the Afghanistan-Pakistan borders. It raised a serious question about the supporting capability of Pakistani armed forces to its troops deployed on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. Indeed, our troops under the fire of NATO helicopters and jets were expecting the Pakistani air force support for their defense.

The May 2, 2011 violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty by the American helicopters necessitated that Pakistan air force should have contingency plan to counter hostile movements in the North Western part of the country. Ironically, despite two hours response time, not even a single fighter reached the border to challenge or warn the NATO helicopters. This indifference, therefore, needs a serious inquiry and revision about our armed forces defense arrangements.

The entire nation has been protesting on the gruesome act of the NATO forces. Though the government immediately announced the ban on NATO’s supplies and ordered the American forces to vacate the Shamsi airbase to satisfy the anger of the people, one needs to wait for understanding the real response of Islamabad. Indeed, Pakistan cannot afford the violation of its sovereignty and killing of its troops by United States, NATO-led ISAF and Afghanistan forces.


The NATO’s air attack on the post on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border underscored two factors. First, there is a continuity of grave mistrust between Pakistan and NATO. The latter is not ready to look at the maps provided to it by the Pakistani armed forces about its military posts on the border. For instance, the Pakistani Military spokesman, Major General Athar Abbas, categorically stated NATO was communicated about two Pakistani posts in Mohmand Agency called ‘Golden’ and ‘Volcano’. These posts are located on the height in the area with national flag hoisted over them. If NATO had the maps, the strikes on the post certainly are not mere mistake. It generates an impression that the United States and NATO-led ISAF forces have misperceptions about the Pakistani forces deployment on the border. It confirms that they believe that Pakistani troops support the militants who traverse border to attack on the coalition forces in Afghanistan. Therefore, the Pakistani troops are the legitimate target.

Second, Pakistan’s loss of over thirty five thousand people in the war on terrorism for the security of international peace has little impact on the NATO countries’ strategic policies. The United States and its NATO allies, in reality, are not ready to treat Pakistan as an ally in the War on Terrorism. The sacrifices of the Pakistanis have no value for them. Therefore, it is imperative that Islamabad should seriously review its war on terrorism policy and its alliance with the United States. Of course, one cannot recommend completely ending Islamabad’s relations with Washington, but one expects dignity and mutual respect in the bilateral relations.

The facts indicate that the attack was deliberate. The US claim that NATO forces were chasing the Taliban was termed by the Pakistani armed forces spokesperson as ‘ill-logical’. Therefore, the situation would be dangerous for the NATO forces in Afghanistan and very challenging for the Pakistani government. Islamabad not only has to cut the NATO supply line permanently, but also think seriously about alternative options in Afghanistan. It has to revisit its policy to participate in the forthcoming Bonn conference on Afghanistan in Germany.

Pakistan has been facing both internal insecurity due to terrorist groups’ activities, and external challenges due to NATO forces’ aggression on its Western front. The domestic terrorism, which is very much the product of Pakistan’s decision to join the global war on terrorism initiated by the United States, has been taxing immensely Pakistan’s socio-economic prosperity. NATO’s hostile attitude certainly increases Pakistan’s responsibility or cost of defending its Western border. Hence, Islamabad needs to chalk out its diplomatic-cum-military strategy to combat the increasing aggression on its common border with Afghanistan.

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