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PEACE & PROSPERITY IN BALOCHISTAN
August 12, 2011
Kayani seems serious in removing misgivings about army that have haunted Balochistan for quite some time. His words and actions carry promise for peace in Balochistan. Under Kayani, Pakistan Army has taken many initiatives for improving confidence, trust and pride in the people of Balochistan for the army. Some of these confidence-building initiatives include: withdrawal of troops from non-garrison areas, even from the restive town of Sui, mediating truce between conflicting rival tribes to launch coal mining projects in Chamalang and Musakhail, relaxation for Baloch youth in physical/educational requirements of recruitment, establishment of schools, colleges, technical and vocational training institutes in all cantonments in the province and, above all, prestigious Quetta Institute of Medical Sciences on August 1 this year. These initiatives would definitely bear fruits and dividends in due course.
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The situation in Balochistan is both precarious and complicated. In addition to turf wars by states involved in great game and political and sectarian killings by local actors – often at the behest of their foreign patrons, Balochistan remains in the grip of inter-tribe strife and a wave of crime – abductions for ransom, car-jacking, plundering of cargo trucks and attacks on US-NATO trucks carrying cargo destined for Afghanistan. Most of the gangs involved in criminal activities reportedly enjoy political patronage.
Due to strategic location, Makran coast and its Gwadar seaport hold a pivotal position in the region. Yemen and Oman are located on the opposite side of Gwadar’s sea-shore. The USA has her military bases in the nearby Saudi Arabia. On one end of the Gwadar Bay, there is the Arabian Sea, with India located on a close by shore. Gwadar Bay has become, of late, a hub of international naval activities because its waters serve well for keeping an eye on energy-rich Iran and the Gulf. The presence of an almost unpopulated vast desert, stretching over hundreds of miles, equipped with special runways for the landing of aircrafts in between Gwadar and the provincial metropolis of Quetta, further reinforces the strategic importance of Balochistan province, in particular its Makran coast and the port town of Gawadar.
As a result of the growing involvement of foreign powers in the region and the spurt in economic activities due to Gwadar deep sea port and exploitation of Balochistan’s mineral resources, the fishing village of yester years – Gwadar – is destined to turn into a town compatible with cities like Singapore, Hong Kong and Dubai in the not too distant future. Given the strategic importance of the region, in addition to states involved in the ‘great game,’ various types of agencies and networks are vying with each other to gain foothold there. The other dimension of the complex issue – political and sectarian strife has further intensified the gravity of situation.
While al-Qaeda-affiliated Lashkare Jhangvi and some splinter groups of Siphae Sahaba continue to target Hazara minority Shia community, the terror campaign by the Baloch nationalists’ remains focused on innocent non-combatants non-Baloch faction of the population settled in the province since long. However, Baloch nationalists blame State security institutions for murder of the Baloch, but the government agencies deny this, saying this is part of an intimidation campaign by the Baloch nationalists.
Army Chief General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kayani, during his recent visit to Quetta to inaugurate the Institute of Medical Sciences and Garrison Sports Complex, left no one in doubt on this issue when he said: “Army, ISI, MI or any other subordinate institution of the army has nothing to do with the matters related to missing persons and mutilated bodies.” He said, there was no military presence in Balochistan, nor was any operation going on. And there being a democratic set-up in place, it was for the provincial government to engage the dissidents in negotiations, and not the army.
Kayani seems serious in removing misgivings about army that have haunted Balochistan for quite some time. His words and actions carry promise for peace in Balochistan. Under Kayani, Pakistan Army has taken many initiatives for improving confidence, trust and pride in the people of Balochistan for the army. Some of these confidence-building initiatives include: withdrawal of troops from non-garrison areas, even from the restive town of Sui, mediating truce between conflicting rival tribes to launch coal mining projects in Chamalang and Musakhail, relaxation for Baloch youth in physical/educational requirements of recruitment, establishment of schools, colleges, technical and vocational training institutes in all cantonments in the province and, above all, prestigious Quetta Institute of Medical Sciences on August 1 this year. These initiatives would definitely bear fruits and dividends in due course.
Against this, despot General Mushrraf’s administration had adopted a strong arms strategy for dealing with low level insurgency in some parts of Balochistan, which hindered development activities. Musharraf administration maintained that the issue had nothing to do with the common Balochis, who were satisfied with the state of affairs and government activities in that province. Musharraf administration attributed the problem to the machinations of only three Sardars, one of whom was killed in an operation.
The outgoing regime propounded that elimination of the other two hostile chieftains would eliminate the problem. That explains why decision-makers in Musharraf establishment were, by and large, opposed to using the option of dialogue with the Baloch nationalist political parties. This approach to the problems of Balochistan contributed to the strengthening of the belief amongst the Baloch people that the agencies and not the federal or the provincial government, were handling the affairs of the province.
However, prior to 2005, except Marri tribe insurgents, all Baloch national elements, including Nawab Akbar Bugti, never talked of pursuing aims beyond the constitutional parameters of the country. Even Marri tribe militants used to talk, in a guarded way, about rights beyond the country’s constitutional bonds, but practically they fully participated in constitutional activities, like contesting elections and taking oath of allegiance to the Constitution. Actually, Balochistan problem is more of an economic nature and before 2005 it was confined to only parts of Kohlu and Dera Bugti districts, which constitute 7.0% of the total area of the province. However, after Nawab Bugti’s death in an operation by the security forces, most of the disgruntled and unemployed youth from other tribes of Balochistan also joined hands with the militants trying to entrench themselves in Makran.
The Baloch militants, according to informed sources, were receiving arms and ammunition from two hostile neighbouring countries, viz Afghanistan and India. It is generally believed that these countries supplied arms to Baloch militants on the behest of the US, which could not directly afford to involve herself because of her dire need for Pakistan’s support in Afghanistan. An independent Balochistan, these circles contend, could better serve the US strategic needs, in particular those pertaining to the flow of oil towards her allies, extracting unexplored natural resources of Central Asian Republics as well as Balochistan, containing Russia and China while projecting power towards Afghanistan and Iran. Citing such a rosy picture, the militants tried to enlist the services of disillusioned Balochi youth, ensuring them of a bright future in an independent Balochistan with enormous untapped natural resources and a small, largely secular, population fitting well in the framework of western powers. One would not be worried about the hostile postures of Afghanistan and India, but when one hears that both the countries are US proxies as far as the supply of arms and ammunition to the Baloch militants is concerned, then the scenario gets murkier and alarming.
Earlier, control over the resources of the province and also the coastal areas were the most pressing demands of the Baloch people. They argued that if the provinces could have control over resources on the surface of land then why they should be denied control over resources under the surface of land, including gas, oil, minerals, etc. However, after devolution of power and abolition of the concurrent list under the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, most of the grievances of the Baloch people have already been redressed.
Another reservation of Baloch nationalists pertains to the likely demographic problems, which may arise as a result of the influx of some 2.5 million people into Gawadar after the seaport becomes fully operational. The nationalists assert that the arrival of outsiders in such a large number will not only change the demographic pattern of Gawadar city, but also of the entire province, reducing the Baloch to a minority. Musharraf Administration did not timely respond to the apprehensions of the people of Balochistan. Silence of the state minions on these irritants strengthened the apprehensions of the local people and with the passage of time the demands of some elements amongst the nationalists crossed the constitutional parameters.
While continuing with the confidence-building measures, there is also need to bring on board all the stakeholders, including those that boycotted the 2008 general elections, and to make sincere and earnest efforts for resolving the long simmering feuds involving some Baloch Sardars. If concrete steps are taken to meet the genuine demands of the people of Balochistan and all stakeholders get due and fair representation in the political governance of the province, peace would return and usher the province towards greater progress and prosperity.
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